Active Liberty : Interpreting Our Democratic Constitution

Submitted by Prometheus 6 on October 7, 2005 - 1:01pm.
on Justice | Supreme Court
cover of Active Liberty : Interpreting Our Democratic ConstitutionActive Liberty : Interpreting Our Democratic Constitution

asin: 0307263134
binding: Hardcover
list price: $21.00 USD
amazon price: $14.28 USD

This book, by Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer, is a first pass at a progressive interpretation of the Constitution. at least I hope it's a first pass. I like the book, but truth is I wanted to like it more than I do.

Justice Breyer starts out by explaining what he wants to do in the book, which is to lay out what he refers to as a "theme," a thesis on the values that should be used as aids in interpreting the constitution. He actually takes something of an originalist stance; however, beyond restrictions on governmental power he also finds goads to direct what action is necessary.

Breyer's basic position is the Constitution's various provisions exist in order to defend against a domineering government and to enable active participation in government by the governed. The exposition of this position is concise and pretty solid. He takes some twenty pages to explain the theme, how it fits into judicial interpretative traditions and to explain why his thesis is "consistent with the Constitution's history."

He then applies this theme to several broad categories of constitutional issues:speech, federalism, privacy, affirmative action (the most disappointing, for reasons I will go into extensively later), statuitory interpretation and administrative law. Finally he takes a significant swipe at the literalist interpretative tradition

First, the more "originalist" judges cannot appeal to the Framers themselves in support of their interpretive views....Why would the Framers  have preferred (1) a system of interpretation that relies heavily on linguistic canons to (2) a system that seeks more directly to find the intent of the legislators who enacted the statute?...Why would the Framers, who disagreed even about the necessity of including a Bill of Rights in the Constitution, who disagreed about the content of the Bill of Rights, nonetheless have agreed about what school of interpretive thought should prove dominant in interpreting that Bill of Rights in the centuries to come?

And after briefly reviewing a few cases adds

Why do I point out the uncertainties in close cases, of linguistic structure, of canons of interpretation and of history? Because those difficulties mean that the "textualist," "originalist," and "literalist" approaches themsekves possess inherantly subjective elements. Which linguistic characteristics are determinative? Which conons shall we choose? Which historical account shall we use? Which tradition shall we apply? And how does that history, or that tradition, apply now?

Significantly, an effort to answer those questions can produce a decision that is not only subjective but also unclear, lacking transparency about the factors that the judge considers truly significant.

In sooth.

Word in the press is that lawyers are discussing it in comparison to Justice Scalia's equivalent book, and that's good...Justice Breyer can't establish Active Liberty as a principle all by himself any more than Justice Scalia could legitimize strict construction as a priciple without massive support.

This may be an important book.

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Submitted by dwshelf on October 7, 2005 - 3:17pm.

Because those difficulties mean that the "textualist," "originalist," and "literalist" approaches themsekves possess inherantly subjective elements. Which linguistic characteristics are determinative? Which conons shall we choose? Which historical account shall we use? Which tradition shall we apply? And how does that history, or that tradition, apply now?

Significantly, an effort to answer those questions can produce a decision that is not only subjective but also unclear, lacking transparency about the factors that the judge considers truly significant

So Breyer sets up a straw argument and with a huff and a puff knocks it down.

No originalist claims that originalism results in an objectively obvious conclusion. 

The origionalist claim is that the words of the constitution, in English, cannot be ignored or "interpreted" to mean something which they obviously don't say.

Submitted by Prometheus 6 on October 7, 2005 - 5:43pm.

He just gives examples where "originalists" do exactly that. Those aren't straw men, they're examples.

Now here's my question: if originalists (like Clarence, who we have proven in the other thread to have badly misinterpreted the precident he cited in your favorite jurisprudence) do not come to an objective conclusion, on what is its claim of utility based? 

Submitted by dwshelf on October 8, 2005 - 1:28am.

He just gives examples where "originalists" do exactly that.

Of course they do that (subjectively evaluate a variety of factors including how to apply 225 year old wording into modern times).  They don't claim otherwise, and to suggest that they do, and knock that down, is to knock down a straw house of one's own construction.

Now here's my question: if originalists (like Clarence, who we have proven in the other thread to have badly misinterpreted the precident he cited in your favorite jurisprudence) do not come to an objective conclusion, on what is its claim of utility based?

In retrospect, I think Thomas got himeself onto unfamiliar territory when he added an analysis of precedent to enhance his basic originalist argument, which he did fine with.  It's notewowrthy that that case was one of his very earliest in what has already been a substantial career

On the other hand, it says a whole lot about Scalia when he voted to maintain federal criminaltiy of medical marijuana.  That position has absolutely no originalist support, as Thomas noted. Clearly Scalia simply believed that it was very wrong to smoke marijuana, and any threat to open it up needed to be countered.  A very progressive position WRT the constitution.  Roberts is looking to be another one who will increase federal power.

Breyer's basic position is the Constitution's various provisions exist in order to defend against a domineering government and to enable active participation in government by the governed.

The problem is, that he, like Scalia in the marijuana case, feels entitled to bless domineering so long as it's good domineering, the kind of domineering we need.

Submitted by Prometheus 6 on October 8, 2005 - 1:58am.

There's no suggestion of domineering in his analysis. Only enablement of greater direct participation in government by citizens.

That would be useful. Thats why I like the book. 

Submitted by dwshelf on October 8, 2005 - 4:32pm.

There's no suggestion of domineering in his analysis.

Because if it's good domineering it's called something else when writing a book.

The medical marijuana case  is a precise example of such domineering.  Breyer voted in favor of allowing the domineering.  Here's how Thomas starts his dissent:

Justice Thomas, dissenting.

    Respondents Diane Monson and Angel Raich use marijuana that has never been bought or sold, that has never crossed state lines, and that has had no demonstrable effect on the national market for marijuana. If Congress can regulate this under the Commerce Clause, then it can regulate virtually anything–and the Federal Government is no longer one of limited and enumerated powers.

That's a precise example of why I'm proud of Clarence Thomas, and why Breyer's on the side of domineering.

Submitted by Prometheus 6 on October 8, 2005 - 7:39pm.
Because if it's good domineering it's called something else when writing a book.

 

You're unqualified to comment until you've read the book. 

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